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Reforming America’s Obsession with Incarceration

by Marc H. Morial   

President and CEO, National Urban League

    

Marc H. Morial, President of the National Urban League, is the former two-term Mayor of New Orleans, former President of the U.S. Conference of Mayors, and author of TO BE EQUAL.  He is a Contributing Columnist for MaximsNews.com.  Hear his weekly Radio Commentary Online.    See Marc Morial's  bio.    MarcMorial@MaximsNews.com

Please see All of Marc Morial's MaximsNews columns below.*

          UNITED NATIONS  -  7 December 2004   www.MaximsNews.com For three decades now, the “get tough” posture has constituted—and distorted—America’s response to the problem of violent crime and other so-called street crime offenses, particularly drug use and drug trafficking. 

One result has been a ballooning since the 1970s of the number of inmates in the nation’s jails and prisons from about 330,000 in the early 1970s to 2.1 million today, with more than three-quarters of the inmates in state and federal prisons.  

Some boast that this “lock-em-up” approach has          produced the lower crime rates of recent years—while ignoring the turmoil soaring expenditures for prison construction and the housing of a growing prison population has created for such other state budgetary expenditures as those devoted to higher education.  

And ignoring the question of how the society is to cope in the future with a large and ever-growing cohort of ex-offenders who won’t be able to vote and who’ll have terrible prospects for ever gaining legal employment.

Others reject the claim that the get-tough approach has been beneficial, asserting that demographic developments, increased crime prevention efforts by both police and community agencies, and the positive impact of the long 1990s period of economic prosperity have by far been more important.

As the former Mayor of a big city—New Orleans—who led a coalition of police and civic leaders and community organizations in taking a significant “bite” out of crime during the 1990s, I share the latter view.

Recently, three studies, one from the federal government, and two by private think tanks, have underscored the cliff’s edge to which America’s obsession with incarceration has led it. 

One report, released this month by the U.S. Sentencing Commission, evaluates the effectiveness and fairness of the guidelines federal judges must follow in sentencing convicted defendants.

A second, by The Sentencing Project, of Washington, D.C., compares—in this year marking the fiftieth anniversary of the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision in the Brown  school-desegregation case—the promise of Brown to the growth of the “incarceration dynamic” in American life.

In both instances, the issue of the explosive growth in the incarceration of African Americans and Latino Americans is at the center of the discussion.

With good reason:   For, although they comprise just 6 percent of the total American population, African-American males make up more than 44 percent, or nearly 819,000, of America’s inmates. 

The corrosive impact of the black-male incarceration rate is even worse than one might initially suspect, however—because, according to a third study by the Justice Policy Institute, in recent years the number of African-American females being incarcerated has risen sharply. 

The Institute found that three-fourths of the more than 101, 000 women in federal and state prisons last year were African-American.  

The statistics mean that black women are more than twice as likely as Latinos and five times as likely as white women to be in prison. 

Vince Schiraldi, of the JPI, pointed out the frighteningly obvious:  That “the penetration of the prison system into the black family is extraordinary.”

And the same is becoming true of Latino Americans, who, while making up 15 percent of the nation’s inmate population, which is close to their percentage of the total population, are actually the fastest-growing group of those being imprisoned.

Most of both groups’ growth in incarceration since the 1970s has resulted from convictions for relatively low-level drug-usage and drug-trafficking crimes; and here, as the U.S. Sentencing Commission study describes in detail, the role of the federal sentencing guidelines has been critical—and devastating.

While declaring that the sentencing guidelines, devised 15 years ago, have been overwhelmingly fair and effective, the Commission makes clear that description does not apply in one particular area:  the different mandatory minimum sentences the guidelines require for possession or trafficking of crack cocaine, on the one hand, and powder cocaine, on the other.

Congressional legislation mandates that those convicted of possessing just five grams of crack cocaine—a cheaper drug whose users and traffickers overwhelmingly are black—receive a minimum sentence of five years. 

But it takes conviction for possession of 500 grams of powder cocaine—the more expensive form of the drug whose users overwhelmingly are white—to trigger a five-year mandatory sentence.

The original justification for the gross sentencing disparity—that crack cocaine was a more destructive form of the drug—has long been disproved.  

But Congress thus far has refused to follow the oft-repeated recommendation of the Commission and many others that it amend the guidelines and eliminate the disparate treatment.    

Thus, as the Commission report notes, crack cocaine remains “the only drug for which simple possession of greater than five grams, even without intent to distribute, is treated the same as drug trafficking,” and for “no other drug are such harsh penalties imposed on such low-level offenders. 

Revising the crack cocaine [sentencing guidelines] … would dramatically improve the fairness of the federal sentencing system.”

And it would be one-step in reducing America’s own addiction to the incarceration dynamic.  

                 MarcMorial@MaximsNews.com

         

*Marc Morial's Columns in MaximsNews.com 

 

Reforming America’s Obsession with Incarceration...  7 December 2004

A Pre-Election Snapshot of Black America...  26 October 2004   

Issues for the Candidates—and for Us...  19 October 2004

The “Routine” Tragedy in the Sudan...  2 September 2004

A Wonderful Life...  26 August 2004  

 America, We Have A Problem...  19 August 2004

Looking Forward; Leaving No One Behind...  28 July 200428 July 2004

Empowering Communities, Changing Lives...  8 July 2004

July: The Other Black History Month...  30 June 2004

Justice for History’s Sake—and Our Own...  24 June 2004

Let America Be America The Beautiful...   16 June 2004

Quiet Activism on The Movement’s Front Lines...  8 June 2004

Vernon Jarrett, Dreamer and Doer...  2 June 2004 

Buddy Fletcher’s Gift...  26 May 2004

 The Murder of Emmett Till: Still Seeking Justice...  20 May 2004

  The Meaning of the Brown Decision...  12 May 2004

  The Complexity of Black Achievement...  4 May 2004

 USA Today’s Con Artist...  27 April 2004 

  The “Moving Target” of Black Educational Progress... 13 April 2004

  Elaine Jones: Energized by Adversity...  6 April 2004

  The Urban League in Washington: Bringing Reinforcements...  30 March 2004

   The Pain of Those Left Behind...  17 March 2004

   Deeply Desiring Denial...  9 March 2004

    One Step Forward; Two Steps Back...  3 March 2004 

    Innocent of the Crime, But Almost Executed Anyway...  24 February 2004

    Civil Rights: America’s Unfinished Business...  17 February 2004

     What Will They Do Now?   2 February 2004

 


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