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Act of Creation by
Stephen Schlesinger
The
Founding of the United Nations: A Story of Superpowers, Secret
Agents, Wartime Allies and Enemies, and Their Quest for a
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STEPHEN
SCHLESINGER is a MaximsNews Columnist and Senior Editor.
Bio.
STEPHEN
SCHLESINGER: WHERE VOLCKER GOT IS WRONG (MaximsNews.com,
U.N.)
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UNITED NATIONS - / www.MaximsNews.com@
U.N./
- 12
December 2005 - The
United Nations’ longest-running saga, the oil-for-food imbroglio, reached a
critical point last month when Paul Volcker issued his final report on the
tawdry episode.
His
findings will now presumably lead to the prosecutions of the various
corporations and individuals involved. All of this is to the good.
But,
meantime, what about the collateral damage done to the key figure in this
investigation, namely, UN Secretary-General, Kofi Annan?
Volcker’s
investigation places much of the onus for this troubling event on the UN
Secretariat’s office. However, a fair reading of Volcker’s conclusions is
that Kofi Annan not only did not have a central role in this lamentable affair
but bore scant responsibility from the onset. Instead the one nation which
shoved the inquiry forward from the beginning was most culpable – the United
States.
Let’s
review the facts. Washington was complicit in two ways for what happened.
First,
starting shortly after the end of the first Gulf War in 1991, it secretly
allowed oil to be smuggled from Iraq to two US allies, Jordan and Turkey.
Under this arrangement, Saddam Hussein managed to illegally rake in $11
billion of the $12.8 billion which he is estimated to have received overall
unlawfully in the 1990s and early 2000 from oil-related transactions.
Then,
under the separate oil-for-food program which Washington helped to initiate in
the Security Council in 1996, Hussein skimmed off the last $1.8 billion or so
(far below original estimates of $4.4 billion) from various contractors.
Critics,
however, have hammered Kofi Annan for allowing both operations to go ahead
without tight supervision. One must remember, nonetheless, that, for the
Jordan/Turkey undertaking, Washington controlled the venture exclusively and
would not permit any outsider to oversee its activities, so Annan could do
nothing about the smuggling.
On
the second matter – the oil-for-food program – commentators have assailed
Annan for 1) appointing a smarmy official as head of the UN unit carrying out,
on behalf of the Security Council, operations on the ground in Iraq; 2)
permitting Saddam Hussein to select his own trading partners; and 3) not
arranging internal audits on the program’s transactions.
In all three instances, Annan was essentially blameless.
On
the directorship of the UN Iraq program, Annan may have selected an inadequate
and perhaps even venal lieutenant (though no real charges have yet been proven
against him), but, in any case, this official had no influence over the
contracting process.
On
the contrary, this Secretariat team alerted the Security Council’s 661
committee – which alone approved all deals with Hussein and on which the US
sat -- to pricing irregularities in Hussein’s contracts over seventy times.
These warnings enabled the Security Council to tighten some of the rules on
the bidding process.
But
the American government, in the end, never heeded any of its particulars on
kickbacks. Instead, it blocked or vetoed over 5,000 contracts solely on the
possibility that the goods which Iraq purchased for “humanitarian” reasons
might also be used for military purposes.
As
to allowing Hussein to choose his own foreign collaborators or not imposing an
internal audit, it was the Security Council (with Washington’s assent) which
authorized Hussein to pick his own companies and which sidelined internal
audits, not Annan.
Indeed,
it was Annan himself, in the end, who set up the Volcker inquest to uncover
serious transgressions. Annan made one mis-step – not forcefully enough
investigating his son’s brief employment at one of the companies
participating in the program. Yet there is no evidence that even that case had
anything to do with Saddam Hussein’s siphoning off $12.8 billion.
Needless
to say, for all of its extraordinary importance, Volcker does not delve much
into the lucrative smuggling episode. He dwells almost entirely on the
oil-for-food program. Volcker’s explanation for this omission is that the
mandate given to him by the UN was to examine the oil-for-food undertaking
only.
But
as the media and Congress for the past three years have totally focused on the
entire boodle wrung from the criminal enterprise with Hussein -- $12.8 billion
– the public really needed to know of all of the relevant details about
where every one of those dollars came from and where every one of them went.
Volcker
should have given greater emphasis to the exceptional size of the rip-offs
from the American-backed bootlegging operations when tallying all the monies
squeezed by Hussein from devious oil machinations. For Volcker not to do this
is highly misleading and unfair to the Secretary-General.
The impression now has been left in the public sphere that Annan’s weak or
complicit leadership was responsible for Hussein’s theft of the $12.8
billion.
This
has led to the blackening of his reputation by critics in the United States
who have called him corrupt, or, in the case of the Republican senator from
Minnesota, Norm Coleman, who has demanded his resignation. These are cruel and
libelous accusations.
The
media bears a great deal of responsibility for permitting the oil-for-food
story to assume the grotesque form it has taken.
But
now that the Volcker probe is over, it is time for the press and the public to
recognize once again Secretary-General’s faultlessness in this fiasco, pin
the blame on America where it belongs and act to remove the cloud which hangs
over Annan.
Labels: United
Nations, U.N.,
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