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Only
when Putin harshly criticized
the
United States
during a conference in
Munich
last month (with Defense Secretary Robert Gates and Sens. John McCain, Joe
Lieberman and Lindsey Graham sitting in front of him) did Americans pay
attention -- and then only briefly.
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Now
a key test of
Russia's
relationship with the West is at
hand, and
Russia's
actions could determine whether there is another war in
Europe.
Remember
Kosovo?
It
was the big story in 1999, when 78 days of U.S.-led NATO bombing liberated the
overwhelmingly Albanian region from repressive Serb control.
Its
final status was left unresolved under a compromise U.N. Security Council
resolution.
The
United Nations has administered the region, and NATO has protected it, ever
since.
But
the
United States
and the European Union neglected the final-status issue while positions
hardened in Kosovo and
Belgrade.
On
March 26,
the formidable U.N. special envoy,
former Finnish president Martti Ahtisaari, will present to the Security Council
a plan
that would lead to phased independence for Kosovo, with strong guarantees for
the rights of the Serb minority there.
Belgrade
is deeply opposed, as it has been to any change in the status of Kosovo, an area
that the Serbs feel is part of their historic territory but that is now more
than 90 percent Albanian.
In
the end, the Serbs will have to face the truth: Kosovo is gone from
Serbia
forever, a result of the policies of the former Serbian dictator Slobodan
Milosevic.
Serbia's
future -- and it could be bright -- lies within the European Union, if it can
get past its own paralyzing historical myths.
A
peaceful path to Kosovo's independence would open up the entire Balkans,
including
Serbia
, to a promising new era of regional cooperation.
Enter
Moscow,
encouraging exactly the wrong tendencies within
Serbia.
Putin
says
Russia
will not support anything that the Serbs oppose.
If
this means a Russian veto in the Security Council, or an effort to water down or
delay Ahtisaari's plan, the fragile peace in Kosovo will evaporate within days,
and a new wave of violence -- possibly even another war -- will erupt.
Ahtisaari's
plan, probably the best possible under current circumstances, does not satisfy
more extreme Albanians -- because it does not provide instant independence and
because of its emphasis on protecting Serbs who chose to remain in Kosovo.
Yet
instead of working to avert violence in
Kosovo
,
Russia
seems to be enjoying the opportunity to defy key Western countries, especially
Germany
and the
United States.
Secretary
of State Condoleezza Rice and her superb special envoy, Ambassador
Frank Wisner,
have told Moscow and Belgrade that the United States supports the Ahtisaari
plan, but until President Bush weighs in strongly with Putin (as President Bill
Clinton did a decade ago with Boris Yeltsin), there is a serious risk Moscow
will not get the message.
That
message should be simple: If
Russia
blocks the Ahtisaari plan, the chaos that follows will be
Moscow's
responsibility and will affect other aspects of
Russia's
relationships with the West.
Russia
contends that the United Nations does not have the right to change an
international border without the agreement of the country involved.
But Kosovo is a unique case and sets no precedent for separatist
movements elsewhere, because in 1999, with Russian support, the United Nations
was given authority to decide the future of Kosovo.
Moscow
's point about
protecting "fraternal" Slav-Serb feelings is nonsense; everyone who
has dealt with the Russians on the Balkans, as I did for several years, knows
that their leadership has no feelings whatsoever for the Serbs.
Russia is using Kosovo
for its tactical advantage, as part of a strategy to reassert itself on the
international stage.
That is a legitimate
goal, as long as
Russia
plays a constructive role -- but
Moscow
's recent behavior, from
Georgia
to
Iran
to some ugly domestic incidents, is not encouraging.
Now
Kosovo is shaping up as the biggest international test yet of Vladimir Putin.
If
Moscow
vetoes or delays the Ahtisaari plan, the Kosovar Albanians will declare
independence unilaterally.
Some
countries, including the
United States
and many Muslim states, would probably recognize them, but most of the European
Union would not.
A
major European crisis would be assured. Bloodshed would return to the Balkans.
NATO, which is pledged to keep peace in Kosovo, could find itself back in battle
in
Europe
.
Would
the Russians really benefit from all this?
Certainly
not. European security and stability -- and
Russia's
relationship with the West -- are on the line.
~~~~~
MaximsNews.com, An Independent Voice from the
U.N., provides commentary and analysis from
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Dr. Nafis Sadik, Shashi Tharoor, Thoraya Ahmed Obaid, Noeleen Heyzer, Kerry
Kennedy, Ian Williams, Stephen Schlesinger, Sen.
Timothy E. Wirth, Marc Morial, Amb. Jayantha
Dhanapala (Sri Lanka), Amb. Pierre Schori
(Sweden), Amb. William H. Luers, Susan Roosevelt
Weld, Rory Kennedy, Mehri
Madarshahi, J. Michael Adams, Gloria Feldt,
Jeffrey Laurenti, Rodney D. Smith, Rory
O'Connor, Genevieve Stamper, Max Stamper and
others.
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