|

|
U.N. EXPERT VOICES
CONCERN ON U.S. HUMAN RIGHTS AFTER VISIT [FULL TEXT]: 01/6/2007 (MaximsNews.com,
U.N.) |
UNITED NATIONS - / www.MaximsNews.com@
U.N./
- 01
June 2007 –
The United Nations Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection
of human rights and fundamental freedoms while countering terrorism, Martin
Scheinin, highlighted some, but not all, of his preliminary findings during a
press conference held in Washington, D.C., on Friday, 25 May. The
following press release was labeled: For use of the information media; not an
official record:
|
The Special
Rapporteur conducted a 10-day visit to the United States, at the invitation
of the Government, from 16 to 25 May 2007. The purpose of the mission was to
undertake a fact-finding exercise, and a legal assessment of United States
law and practice in the fight against terrorism, measured against
international law. His conduct of country visits, including that in the
United States, is also aimed at identifying and disseminating best practice
in the countering of terrorism. Following this visit, a more thorough
report, which will become publicly available, will be prepared and submitted
to the Human Rights Council, a subsidiary body of the UN General Assembly.
|
|
In Washington, D.C., the Special
Rapporteur had meaningful meetings on a specialist level with the Department of
State, Department of Homeland Security, Department of Defense, and Department of
Justice. He also met with members of Congress and their staff, academics and
non-governmental organizations. Mr. Scheinin also travelled to Miami to observe
a day of the trial against Jose Padilla and others. It was disappointing that
the Special Rapporteur was not provided with access to places of detention,
including at Guantánamo Bay, with guarantees permitting private interviews of
detainees. It is a part of the Standard Terms of Reference for all UN Special
Rapporteurs that any visits to detention centres involve unmonitored interviews
with detained persons. This is a universally applied term of reference which in
many parts of the world is essential for protecting individuals against abuse.
It would give a wrong message to the world if the Special Rapporteur were to
deviate from this standard condition in respect of the United States. The
Special Rapporteur therefore hopes that he can soon visit the United States
again for the purpose of visiting places of detention, including Guantánamo
Bay, prior to the consideration by the UN Human Rights Council of his report on
this country visit. That visit should also include observing military commission
hearings at Guantánamo Bay.
The Special Rapporteur is deeply mindful of the tragic events of 11 September
2001, as well as preceding acts of international terrorism against the United
States, including the bombing of its Embassies in Kenya and Tanzania. He is also
mindful of domestic acts of terrorism, including the Oklahoma City bombing.
Addressing the situation of victims of terrorism with appropriate compensation
and access to health care and rehabilitation is an important aspect of a
comprehensive strategy against terrorism, and should be seen as a matter of best
practice. The Special Rapporteur notes with encouragement the establishment by
the United States Government of a process by which the victims of the terrorist
attacks of 11 September have been able to seek compensation.
In a world community which has adopted global measures to counter terrorism, the
United States is a leader. This position carries with it a special
responsibility also to take leadership in the protection of human rights while
countering terrorism. The example of the United States will have its followers,
in good and in bad. The Special Rapporteur has a deep respect for the long
traditions in the United States of respect for individual rights, the rule of
law, and a strong level of judicial protection. Despite the existence of a
tradition in the United States of respect for the rule of law, and the presence
of self-correcting mechanisms under the United States Constitution, it is most
regretful that a number of important mechanisms for the protection of rights
have been removed or obfuscated under law and practice since the events of 11
September, including under the USA PATRIOT Act of 2001, the Detainee Treatment
Act of 2005, the Military Commissions Act of 2006, and under Executive Orders
and classified programs.
The Special Rapporteur thus sees his visit as one step in the process of
restoring the role of the United States as a positive example for respecting
human rights, including in the context of the fight against terrorism. He
dismisses the perception that the United States has become an enemy of human
rights. It is a country which still has a great deal to be proud of.
The framework of public international law
The Special Rapporteur does not consider the international fight against
terrorism as a "war", at least not in other than rhetorical terms.
During high-level meetings with Government officials, it has been repeated that
the United States sees itself as being engaged in an armed conflict with Al
Qaeda and the Taliban, commencing prior to the events of 11 September and
continuing today, until the capabilities of Al Qaeda can be so degraded that
their conduct can be dealt with through regular law enforcement mechanisms. The
United States consequently identifies humanitarian law as the applicable
international law to the apprehension, detention and trial of persons detained
at Guantánamo Bay. The Special Rapporteur reminds the United States of the
well-established principle that, even during an armed conflict triggering the
application of international humanitarian law, international human rights law
continues to apply. This is a point made clear, for example, by the Human Rights
Committee in its General Comment 29, and has been confirmed by the International
Court of Justice. The conduct of the United States must therefore comply not
only with the Geneva Conventions, but also with applicable international human
rights law.
The same bodies, the Human Rights Committee and the International Court of
Justice, have also confirmed that human rights, including those enshrined in the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, are also legally binding
upon a State when it acts outside its internationally recognized territory. The
fact that the United States, more than 50 years ago, when the International
Covenant was being drafted, expressed that it could not be expected to
"legislate" for occupied countries, cannot constitute a valid
justification to engage extraterritorially in outright human rights violations
such as arbitrary detention, torture, or other cruel, inhuman or degrading
treatment.
The Special Rapporteur accepts that the United States was engaged in an
international armed conflict from the commencement of Operation Enduring
Freedom, proclaimed as an exercise of self-defence under Article 51 of the
Charter of the United Nations, and until the fall of the Taliban regime as the
de facto government of Afghanistan. He further accepts in principle that an
international terrorist organization, if organized hierarchically as an armed
force within the meaning of Common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions, could be
engaged in a transborder, albeit technically non-international (as not between
two States), armed conflict. However, this does not mean that any act of
terrorism, or of international terrorism, would constitute an armed conflict.
The Special Rapporteur is aware of the reservations and declarations entered by
the United States upon its ratification of the International Covenant on Civil
and Political Rights and the Convention Against Torture. Under international
law, reservations that are contrary to the object and purpose of a treaty are
impermissible. The relevant treaty bodies, the Human Rights Committee and the
Committee Against Torture, have requested that the United States withdraw its
reservations and declarations relevant to this context. In light of this, the
Special Rapporteur sees his mandate as requiring him to address the law and
practice of the United States with reference to international treaty standards,
without making an assessment of whether its reservations and declarations are
permissible.
Guantánamo Bay detainees
The persons detained at the United States military facility at Guantánamo Bay
have been categorized by the United States as alien unlawful enemy combatants.
It must be made clear that this is a description of convenience only, without
legal effect, since there is no such third category of persons under
international law. Those that participate in hostilities are either
"combatants", or "civilians" who have participated in
hostilities and are thus subject to detention and prosecution. Although
combatants who are apprehended during the course of an international armed
conflict and detained as prisoners of war will be released at the end of
hostilities, this will not be the case for persons who are held as persons
suspected of war crimes. The international community has recognized the need to
ensure that there is no impunity for those that commit war crimes. While
acknowledging this principle, it should also be recognized that the chance of
ensuring a fair trial diminishes over time.
In the case of those who have been captured during armed hostilities in an
international or non-international armed conflict, but in respect of which there
is no allegation of offending against the laws of war, such individuals should
be released, or tried by civilian courts for their suspected other crimes. The
Special Rapporteur considers that the detention of this group of persons for a
period of several years without charge undermines the right of fair trial, and
that the United States has thereby placed itself in a position of having to
release many of these persons without charge.
There are serious concerns about the ability of detainees at Guantánamo Bay to
seek a judicial determination of their status, and of their continuing
detention. Upon the arrival of a detainee at Guantánamo Bay, a Combatant Status
Review Tribunal is convened to determine whether the detainee is an
"unlawful enemy combatant" and whether that person should continue to
be detained. This occurs once only, unless new evidence about the person's
status becomes available. Added to this, an Administrative Review Board
undertakes annual reviews of each detainee's status to confirm whether continued
detention is required. As confirmed by the United States Department of Defense,
these are administrative processes, rather than judicial ones. Detainees are not
provided with a lawyer during the course of the Combatant Status Review Tribunal
hearing. Even more problematic is the fact that decisions of the Combatant
Status Review Tribunal and Administrative Review Board are subject to limited
judicial review only, meaning that any reference to ordinary courts is limited
to the question of whether these bodies acted in accordance with applicable
rules of procedure. The most that a reviewing court may do is to order
reconsideration of a decision, not release. These restrictions result in
non-compliance with the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
(ICCPR), which prohibits arbitrary detention (Article 9 (1)), requires court
review of any form of detention and entailing a possibility of release (Article
9 (4)), and provides a right to a fair trial within reasonable time for anyone
held as a criminal suspect (Article 9 (3) and Article 14 (3)). Article 9 (4) is
also relevant to the removal of habeas corpus rights under section 7 of the
Military Commissions Act 2006, which purports to expressly deny the jurisdiction
of ordinary courts to hear an application for habeas corpus.
Closure of Guantánamo Bay
The Special Rapporteur is encouraged by the announcement of the President of the
United States that he wishes to move towards the closure of Guantánamo Bay, and
urges continued and determined action to that end. The Special Rapporteur has
been advised that between 40 and 80 Guantánamo Bay detainees are expected to be
tried by military commissions, and that the United States wishes to return the
balance of detainees to their countries of origin or, where necessary, to a
surrogate country, and that it is conducting negotiations with countries for
this purpose. He supports initiatives to return detainees to their countries of
origin, but also concludes that although the United States has advised that it
will not do so in breach of the principle of non-refoulement, the current United
States standard applied under this principle fails to comply with international
law. While international law (primarily ICCPR Article 7) requires that a person
not be returned to a country where there is a risk of torture, or any form of
cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment, the United States applies a lower
threshold of non-return where it is "more likely than not" that a
person will be subject to torture as narrowly defined by the United States
itself. Despite the fact that the United States has not yet abolished the death
penalty, the Special Rapporteur emphasizes that the principle of non-refoulement
is also applicable where a person is liable to the imposition of the death
penalty in a jurisdiction where the standards of trial fall short of rigorous
compliance with Article 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights on the right to a fair trial.
The Special Rapporteur emphasizes that the United States has the primary
responsibility to resettle any individuals among those detained in Guantánamo
Bay who are in need of international protection. He further recommends that
other States be willing to receive persons currently detained at Guantánamo
Bay. The United States and the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) should
work together to establish a joint process by which detainees can be resettled
in accordance with international law, including refugee law and the principle of
non-refoulement. In particular, the Special Rapporteur urges the United States
to invite UNHCR to conduct confidential individual interviews with the detainees
in order to determine their qualification as refugees and to recommend to other
countries their resettlement. He also urges the United States not to require
from receiving countries the detention or monitoring of those returned in cases
where such measures would not have basis in international and domestic law.
Detainees in Afghanistan and Iraq
The Special Rapporteur is mindful of the fact that there are in Afghanistan some
700 and in Iraq around 18,000 persons detained by the United States. Some of
these detainees appear to be held for reasons related to the fight against
terrorism, under a legal status analogous to that at Guantánamo Bay. He reminds
the United States and other States responsible for the detention of persons in
Afghanistan and Iraq that these detainees also have a right to a fair trial
within a reasonable time if suspected of a crime or, failing this, to release.
The use of military commissions to try terrorist suspects
By Military Order in 2001, the President of the United States established
military commissions for the purpose of trying enemy combatants. The US Supreme
Court ruled in 2006, in Hamdan v Rumsfeld, that military commissions
established under the Military Order were unconstitutional, since they were not
established under the express authority of Congress, and that the structure and
procedures of the commissions violated both the United States Uniform Code of
Military Justice and the four Geneva Conventions. Congress subsequently enacted
the Military Commissions Act 2006, which largely reflects the military
commission structure under the 2001 Order. The establishment of military
commissions is not restricted geographically, permitting any non-United States
citizen, including those holding permanent resident status, to be subject to
trial by military commission if designated as an enemy combatant. Various
aspects relating to the jurisdiction and operation of military commissions raise
significant human rights concerns, including the jurisdiction and composition of
military commissions, the potential use of evidence obtained by coercion, and
the potential for the imposition of the death penalty.
One of the principal reasons given by the Government for the establishment of
military commissions, rather than the use of courts martial or ordinary courts,
has been that those courts do not have jurisdiction over certain crimes which
some detainees are suspected to have committed. Three matters of concern are
raised by this position. First, the Military Commissions Act of 2006 purports to
be a piece of legislation which codifies the laws of war and establishes the
jurisdiction of military commissions over war crimes. However, the offences
listed in section 950v(24)-(28) of the Act (terrorism, providing material
support for terrorism, wrongfully aiding the enemy, spying, and conspiracy) go
beyond offences under the laws of war. The establishment of these offences, and
the way in which they are described, therefore means that the military
commissions have been given jurisdiction over offences which do not in fact form
part of the laws of war and thus may result in civilians being tried by military
tribunals, in breach of the established interpretation of Article 14 of the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). The second
problem, concerning these same offences, is that to the extent they were not
covered by the law applicable at the time of the commission of the actual acts,
the military commissions will be applying criminal law retroactively, in breach
of ICCPR Article 15 and universally acknowledged general principles of law.
Finally, it appears that the Government's justification for military commissions
is incorrect as a matter of fact because ordinary courts martial have had the
jurisdiction to try violations of the laws of armed conflict since 1916 under
the Uniform Code of Military Justice, and that the nexus between the events of
11 September and United States citizens would allow ordinary courts to try other
offences such as conspiracy and terrorism. This is borne out by the fact that
the 1998 Embassy bombings were prosecuted by ordinary courts, and that Osama bin
Laden was indicted for his action in the attacks on the USS Cole by a Grand Jury
in 2000. The ability of ordinary courts to hear charges of conspiracy and
material support for terrorism is further borne out by the fact that those being
prosecuted in United States v Padilla et al in the United States District
Court at Miami are charged with such offences. In contrast, a suspected
co-conspirator, who is an alien and currently detained at Guantánamo Bay, is
likely to face these charges before a military commission.
As to the composition of military commissions, the Special Rapporteur has
serious concerns about the independence and impartiality of the commissions,
their potential use to try civilians, and the lack of appearance of
impartiality. Whereas military judges in courts martial are appointed from a
panel of judges by lottery, judges in a military commission are selected for
each trial by the convening authority of military commissions. Although the
current convening authority is a civilian and former judge, she is employed by
the Department of Defense so that the appearance of impartial selection of
military judges and members of individual commissions is undermined.
Furthermore, there is no prohibition against the selection of members of a
commission who fall within the same chain of command so that more junior members
of a military commission, despite any advice to the contrary, may be directly or
indirectly influenced in their consideration of the facts. The ability of the
convening authority to intervene in the conduct of trials before a military
commission is also troubling. The plea agreement in the trial of David Hicks,
for example, was negotiated between the convening authority and counsel for
David Hicks, without any reference to the prosecuting trial counsel. The
involvement of the executive in such matters is troubling.
The Special Rapporteur is concerned that, although evidence which has been
obtained by torture is inadmissible, evidence obtained by other forms of
coercion may, by determination of the military judge, be admitted into evidence.
Two problems arise in this context. The first is that an accused may not become
aware of the fact that evidence has been obtained by torture or coercion since
the interrogation techniques used to obtain evidence subsequently presented at
trial may themselves be classified and thereby outside the knowledge of the
accused. The next problem is that the definition of torture for the purpose of
proceedings before a military commission is restricted so that it does not catch
all forms of coercion that amount to torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading
treatment, equally prohibited in non-derogable terms by Article 7 of the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). It is a clear and
established principle of international law that no evidence obtained by torture
or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment may be used for the purpose of trying
and punishing a person
The Special Rapporteur is furthermore concerned with the ability of a military
commission to determine charges in respect of which the death penalty may be
imposed. It is well established that Article 6 of the ICCPR requires that, where
a State seeks to impose the death penalty, it is obliged to ensure that fair
trial rights under Article 14 of the ICCPR are rigorously guaranteed. Given that
any appeal rights subsequent to conviction are limited to matters of law,
coupled with the concerns outlined, at the lack of fair trial guarantees in
proceedings before military commissions, the Special Rapporteur concludes that
any imposition of the death penalty as a result of a conviction by a military
commission is likely to be in violation of Article 6.
Finally, the Special Rapporteur notes with concern that the acquittal of a
person by a military commission, or the completion of a term of imprisonment
following conviction, does not result in a right of release. This further
undermines the principles of fair trial and would, if immediate release was not
provided in an individual case, involve an arbitrary detention in contravention
of Article 9 (1) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.
Interrogation of terrorist suspects
As a result of an apparent internal leak from the Central Intelligence Agency
(CIA), the media in the United States learnt and published information about
"enhanced interrogation techniques" used by the CIA in its
interrogation of terrorist suspects and possibly other persons held because of
their links with such suspects. Various sources have spoken of such techniques
involving physical and psychological means of coercion, including stress
positions, extreme temperature changes, sleep deprivation, and "waterboarding"
(means by which an interrogated person is made to feel as if they are drowning).
With reference to the well-established practice of bodies such as the Human
Rights Committee and the Committee Against Torture, the Special Rapporteur
concludes that these techniques involve conduct that amounts to a breach of the
non-derogable right to be free from torture and any form of cruel, inhuman or
degrading treatment. In a meeting with the Special Rapporteur, the Acting
General Counsel for the CIA refused to engage in any meaningful interaction
aimed at clarifying the means of compliance with international standards of
methods of interrogation and accountability in respect of possible abuses.
Despite repeated requests on the part of the Special Rapporteur, the CIA did not
make themselves available to meet again with him. In light of this lack of
cooperation and corroborating evidence from multiple sources, the Special
Rapporteur can only conclude that the conduct of his country visit gives further
support to the suspicion that the CIA has indeed been involved, and continues to
be involved, in the use of enhanced interrogation techniques that violate
international law. He urges the United States to ensure that all its officials
and agencies comply with international standards, including the Article 7 of the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and, in the context of an
armed conflict, Common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions.
The Special Rapporteur welcomes the revision of the United States Army Field
Manual in September 2006. Although this Manual clearly states that acts of
violence or intimidation against detainees is prohibited, and that interrogation
techniques must not expose a person to inhumane treatment, there are
nevertheless aspects of the revised Manual (when compared to the earlier version
of the Manual) that cause concern. On the positive side, the revised Manual
explicitly prohibits the use of waterboarding, something not expressly
prohibited before. Nevertheless, a comparison of the two recent versions of the
Army Field Manual could leave the impression that it is not prohibited during
the conduct of an interrogation to slap a person being questioned, subject a
person to extreme changes in temperature falling short of the medical state of
hypothermia, isolate a detainee for prolonged periods, make use of stress
positions, and subject a person to questioning for periods of up to 40 hours
without sleep. The Special Rapporteur concludes that the Manual should be
revised to expressly exclude such techniques.
Rendition, and detention in "classified locations"
The Special Rapporteur refers to various sources pointing to the rendition by
the CIA of terrorist suspects or other persons to "classified
locations" (also known as places of secret detention) and/or to a territory
in which the detained person may be subjected to indefinite detention and/or
interrogation techniques that amount to a violation of the prohibition against
torture, or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment. These reports suggest that
such interrogation techniques may have been used either directly by CIA agents
or in their presence. The existence of classified locations was confirmed by the
President of the United States on 6 September 2006 when he announced the
transfer of 14 "high value detainees" from these locations to Guantánamo
Bay. Although the President announced that at that time the CIA no longer held
any persons in classified locations, he reserved the possibility of resuming
this programme. Since that time, one further high-value detainee has been
transferred to Guantánamo Bay and the whereabouts of many others are
unaccounted.
The Special Rapporteur emphasizes that there is a difference between
"rendition to justice" (whereby a person is outside formal extradition
arrangements handed to another State for the purpose of standing trial in that
State, and so long as there is no risk of the person being subjected to torture,
or being faced with an unfair trial where the death penalty might be imposed),
versus "extraordinary rendition" to another State for the purpose of
interrogation or detention without charge. Rendition in the latter circumstances
runs the risk of the detained person being made subject to torture, or cruel,
inhuman or degrading treatment. Furthermore, the removal of a person outside the
legally prescribed procedures of extradition or deportation amounts to an
unlawful detention in violation of Article 9 (1) of the International Covenant
on Civil and Political Rights. In addition, the use by the CIA of civil aircraft
for the transportation of persons subjected to extraordinary rendition, whether
by contract or by the establishment of airlines controlled by the Agency, is in
violation of the Chicago Convention on Civil Aviation. Again due to the refusal
of the Acting General Counsel for the CIA to engage in any meaningful
interaction, and in light of corroborating evidence, the Special Rapporteur
concludes that his visit supports the suspicion that the CIA has been involved
in the extraordinary rendition of terrorism suspects and possibly other persons.
This conclusion is corroborated by the recent findings of the Human Rights
Committee and Committee Against Torture in the cases of Agiza v Sweden and
Alzery v Sweden in which Sweden was found to violate its human rights
treaty obligations by handing over Mr. Agiza and Mr. Alzery to CIA agents in the
course of their rendition to Egypt.
Immigration and refugee issues
A number of troubling developments in the law and practice of the United States
concerns the treatment of immigrants, those applying for visas, and those
claiming refugee status. The PATRIOT Act of 2001 amended provisions of the
Immigration and Nationality Act, expanding the definition of terrorist activity
beyond the bounds of conduct which is truly terrorist in nature, particularly in
respect of the provision of "material support to terrorist
organizations". The definition captures, for example, the provision by a
person of a ransom to have a family member released by a terrorist organization
or providing funds to a charity organization that was not then classified as a
terrorist organization. The PATRIOT Act provides for the mandatory detention of
those suspected of such conduct and a refusal of refugee status for such
persons, albeit that the Secretary of Homeland Security has announced a policy
of "duress waiver". The Special Rapporteur is troubled by the lack of
transparency and judicial remedies in the application of such a waiver to
persons some of whom may effectively be victims of terrorist conduct.
Furthermore, the REAL ID Act of 2005, an enactment which ostensibly works to
prevent the use of false identification and eliminate identity theft, contains
provisions concerning the prevention of "terrorists" from obtaining
relief from removal. The Act raises the threshold concerning the credibility of
asylum claims, and limits appeal rights for asylum-seekers, which is
inconsistent with the general principle of providing a claimant with the benefit
of the doubt as espoused by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees and applied by
many national jurisdictions in asylum cases.
Profiling and community outreach
The Special Rapporteur notes with encouragement and as an element of best
practice that the Secretary of Homeland Security has openly stated that the
application of law and practice by his Department is not to involve racial or
religious profiling. The Special Rapporteur nevertheless notes claims that
country of origin has been, or may be, used as a proxy for such profiling. It is
a significant problem in certain regions of the world that the religious status
of persons is wrongly confused with the identification of such persons as
potential terrorists. This is a troubling pattern that must be reversed, and the
Special Rapporteur recommends that all States, including the United States,
ensure that they do not act in a manner which might be seen as advocating this
development.
The Special Rapporteur is very much encouraged by the initiation of community
outreach programs by various governmental agencies including the Department of
Homeland Security. Both on its own initiative, and in conjunction with civil
society, that Department has initiated a number of programmes aimed both at
creating a constructive dialogue with communities, including Muslims, and at
explaining Islamic faith and practice to members of the public and state
employees. The alienation of sections of society, and the treatment of groups in
violation of their human rights, has been recognized by the international
community as constituting conditions conducive to the emergence of terrorism, or
recruitment into terrorist organizations. The Special Rapporteur therefore
identifies the efforts to reach out to the community as a best practice in the
fight against terrorism.
Surveillance measures
The Fourth Amendment to the United States Constitution guarantees the right of
citizens to privacy, albeit that international human rights law accommodates
interference with privacy where necessary for legitimate purposes and
implemented in a proportionate manner. The United States Supreme Court has held,
in the 1972 decision United States v United States District Court, that
the Fourth Amendment prohibits the surveillance without a warrant of United
States persons, even where this is carried out for national security reasons.
Under United States law, the surveillance of United States persons (citizens or
permanent residents of the United States) can only occur when authorized by the
Wiretap Act of 1968, or the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act of 1978 (FISA).
The PATRIOT Act of 2001 expanded the provisions of FISA so that applications for
a surveillance warrant need only establish that foreign intelligence gathering
is a significant purpose of the proposed surveillance rather than "the
purpose" of surveillance, as previously required under FISA. This regime
raises a number of concerns. First is the low threshold in the availability of
surveillance warrants, which leaves open the possibility for interference with
privacy where this is not necessary for legitimate purposes. Next is the fact
that the Attorney General's guidelines on the availability of surveillance
warrants for the investigation of terrorist and related offences, or the
gathering of related intelligence, is classified. Although the Special
Rapporteur has been advised by the Department of Justice that these guidelines
comply with international human rights law, there is no way of assessing the
accuracy of this position, nor is there any transparency to guarantee compliance
with the dual requirements of Article 17 of the International Covenant on Civil
and Political Rights (ICCPR) to not interfere with privacy and to protect
against the arbitrary interference with privacy. It is also relevant that the
ICCPR obliges States parties to comply with these requirements not only in
respect of citizens and permanent residents, but also in respect of all persons
within the jurisdiction of the State. It is furthermore troubling that the use
of FISA warrants, which have traditionally been treated as an exception to
surveillance conducted under the Wiretap Act of 1968, has increased
substantially since 11 September.
Operating outside the scope of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act was a
National Security Agency programme of secret surveillance without warrant,
authorized by an Executive Order of the President. The existence of this
programme apparently came to light as a result of an internal leak. Whereas it
is a crime under United States law to undertake surveillance without a court
order, the National Security Agency surveillance programme was said to be
authorized under an inherent right of the President to authorize warrantless
surveillance under Article II of the Constitution. Whether or not that is the
case, the use of surveillance techniques without a warrant amounts to an
interference with privacy that is not authorized by a prescription by law. The
Special Rapporteur therefore concludes that such surveillance is unlawful within
the terms of Article 17 of the ICCPR. Following media reports in 2005 exposing
the existence of the National Security Agency programme, the United States
President acknowledged the existence of the programme and stated that National
Security Agency surveillance would in the future be carried out under FISA.
A further development impacting upon privacy rights has been the expanded use of
National Security Letters, a form of administrative subpoena facilitating
expedited access to records by the Federal Bureau of Investigation and other
intelligence agencies. Prior to the PATRIOT Act of 2001, the availability of
National Security Letters was restricted to financial records, customer call
records, and consumer reports, with the requirement that a certifying officer
was satisfied that the subject of investigation was acting on behalf of a
foreign power. The Act broadened the type of records accessible under National
Security Letters and extended the authority to counter-terrorism investigations.
The Special Rapporteur is concerned with the lack of checks and balances in this
authority, a matter that fails to properly ensure that there is no arbitrary
interference with privacy.
Freedom of the press
The Special Rapporteur takes the view that although the criminalization of
incitement to terrorism and other serious crime may fall within the scope of
lawful restrictions upon freedom of expression as guaranteed by ICCPR Article
19, States should be careful not to use vague terms such as
"glorifying" or "promoting" terrorism when restricting
expression.
The exercise of freedom of expression is a cornerstone of democratic society,
and in ensuring accountable governance. It is evident that the freedom of the
press, and its ability to bring executive action to light, has been a
significant factor in the raising of public awareness and debate on issues
central to the promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms
within the United States. The Special Rapporteur is encouraged, in that regard,
by the fact that the Government of the United States has not acted to restrain
media interest or publication. The free media of the United States itself has in
the years following 11 September operated as a device for ensuring transparency
and accountability in respect of the adverse consequences upon human rights of
counter-terrorism measures undertaken by the Government. This is a feature of
best practice which all countries should aspire to.
Acknowledgements
The Special Rapporteur appreciates the cooperation of the United States
Government. He also thanks all his interlocutors for sharing their insights and
ideas. Further, the Special Rapporteur expresses his appreciation for the
logistical support provided by the United Nations Information Centre in
Washington, D.C.
For further information or questions please contact the Special Rapporteur's
assistant Ms. Sonia Cronin at the Office of the High Commissioner for Human
Rights at +41 22 917 9160 or by e-mail at: scronin@ohchr.org. To set up
interviews with the Special Rapporteur in New York or Washington until 1 June,
Ms. Cronin can be contacted between 25-28 May at +41 79 444 4880, or by e-mail.
For use of the information
media; not an official record
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~
MaximsNews.com, An Independent Voice from the
U.N., provides commentary and analysis from
leading world figures: King Abdullah II
(Jordan), HRH Prince Zeid Ra'ad Zeid Al-Hussein
(Jordan), Sir Brian Urquhart, Hans Blix, Amb.
Richard Holbrooke, Anwar Ibrahim, Bianca Jagger,
Dr. Nafis Sadik, Shashi Tharoor, Thoraya Ahmed Obaid, Noeleen Heyzer, Kerry
Kennedy, Ian Williams, Stephen Schlesinger, Sen.
Timothy E. Wirth, Marc Morial, Amb. Jayantha
Dhanapala (Sri Lanka), Amb. Pierre Schori
(Sweden), Amb. William H. Luers, Susan Roosevelt
Weld, Rory Kennedy, Mehri
Madarshahi, J. Michael Adams, Gloria Feldt,
Jeffrey Laurenti, Rodney D. Smith, Ashley
Bommer, Rory
O'Connor, Genevieve Stamper, Max Stamper and
others.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
MaximsNews Network® LLC is a Global News Network reaching over 30,000 in the International Community. It is associated with MediaChannel.org and Globalvision News Network, global news and media information services with more than 350 news affiliates in 135 countries.
MaximsNews®LLC is in partnership with the United Nations Foundation and the Better World Fund.
Established in 1999.
The views expressed are the responsibility of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of MaximsNews®
LLC.
MaximsNews.com
U.N. ® LLC News for the United Nations and the International Community -
www.MaximsNews.com
| MaximsNews@MaximsNews.com |
Please
contact us about Republishing:
Syndication@MaximsNews.com ©Copyrights 1999 - 2007, MaximsNews® LLC. All rights
reserved.
|