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LOOKING
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from War and
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by
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Mattern
LOOKING FOR
SQUARE TWO
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Forward
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General.
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"This
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MaximsNews
Columnist
Anwar
Ibrahim

ANWAR
IBRAHIM is the former Finance
Minister and Deputy Prime Minister of
Malaysia. This week he completes his
tenure as Distinguished Visiting Professor
in the School of Foreign Service at
Georgetown University where he has
lectured since August 2005. SEE
HIS BIO.
On
December 14th he returns to
Malaysia
where he will focus his energy on
developing a vision for achieving
economic, social and political reforms in
his native country based on the
cooperation and contribution of diverse
ethnic and religious groups.
Anwar
Ibrahim is a Columnist for MaximsNews
Network.
|
Available
for Media Interviews: AnwarIbrahim@MaximsNews.com ANWAR
IBRAHIM: RADICAL ISLAM in SOUTHEAST ASIA
(MaximsNews.com,
UN)
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UNITED NATIONS - / www.MaximsNews.com,
UN/ - 07 December 2006 --
In
the war against terrorism, the
United States
regards
Southeast Asia
as a “second front,” with attention focused
on radical Islamist groups said to be working
with al Qaeda.
This appellation belies the region’s tradition of
tolerance and its demonstrated modernist outlook
with respect to the importance of the rule of
law and preservation of human rights.
While perpetrators and purveyors of violence deserve swift
retribution, over the coming decade radicalizing
trends can be dissuaded by emphasizing the
peaceful and democratic traditions of the region
rather then providing governments with carte
blanche to trample on human rights and civil
liberties in the name of national security.
In attempting to frame a discourse of the impact of Islam
in the governments of Southeast Asia, policy
makers as well as academics are prone to view
Islam in binary terms: it’s either moderate or
extremist, liberal or conservative, reformist or
traditional.
This of course is a throwback to the Orientalist slant of
the past with its propensity for sweeping
generalizations.
One will recall, for instance, Clifford Geertz’s The
Religion of Java (Glencoe: Free Press, 1960)
where Javanese society was seen as essentially
bipolar in terms of its religious
orientation—as between Santri and Abangan, the
former representing the religious and pious
minority group led by their kyai, living
in communal pesantren, and the latter
comprising the majority of Javanese, supposedly
merely nominal Muslims, being very much attached
to the Javanese pre-Islamic art forms and
practices, and largely heedless of their
religious obligations.
These same pesantren,
just like madrassas in other parts of
Southeast Asia as well as in
Pakistan,
are now regarded as hotbeds for the breeding of
Muslim fundamentalists.
The upshot of such a perception is to pigeonhole
organizations founded on Islamic precepts as
being radical with a tendency of turning into or
associating with terrorist bodies, no doubt a
manifestation of a prejudiced and Islamophobic
mindset which prevents one from discerning
between mainstream political Islam and its more
extremist peripheries.
This oversimplified view is unfortunately shared by the
so-called enlightened statesmen in the
region.
Their formula for responding to radicalism has been policy
prescriptions based on firepower, economic
strength and an overall patronizing attitude
towards the Muslim communities.
Surely such a policy
cannot be sustained in the long term nor can it
be regarded as one based on foresight and
wisdom. It fails to recognize that
Muslim-dominant countries such as
Malaysia
and
Indonesia
in the past effectively checked the spread of
communist movements such as the Malayan
Communist Party and the Partai Komunis
Indonesia.
For example, the conventional view that attributes the
failure of the communist insurgency in Malaysia
solely to the policy of the British colonial
powers in winning “the hearts and minds” of
the people is flawed in as much as it ignores
the role of Muslim scholars and organizations in
countering the psychological warfare of the
communists.
It also disregards the long history of moderation that so
typifies Islam in Southeast Asia and has enabled
its communities to resist the ideological
onslaughts of the resurgence of the early
decades of the last century in the
Middle East
.
Sound policies for engaging Muslims cannot be formulated
without a thorough understanding of this unique
historical experience, and this understanding
will not come from clichéd notions of Islam nor
by viewing political Islam as a dangerous
monolith.
The approach must be based on a sustained commitment to
build upon the overriding feature of moderation
and to help in the most unobtrusive way to
preserve its legacy while actively engaging the
more radical sectors.
Unfortunately governments in the region have forsaken a
more moderate strategy of tolerance and
accommodation while pursuing pro-growth economic
policies, and have instead embraced the new
theology of antiterrorism.
In doing so they are walking on egg shells by embracing the
U.S.
, a partner whose foreign policy is marked by
that Wilsonian determination that led it to
invade
Iraq
unilaterally.
It should come as no surprise that prescriptions for the
security of the region issuing from
America
are treated with skepticism, particularly by
Muslim communities, which see the familiar
pattern of Draconian laws clouded in secrecy now
surfacing from an unlikely co-conspirator.
No doubt this is
symptomatic of the rise in anti-American
sentiment. But the spread of Islamic radicalism
in
Southeast Asia
must be understood in the broader context of the
region's
history and not only through the lens of September
11.
While the ascription of extraneous causes such as
sympathies with the plight of the Palestinians
or the unjust occupation of Iraq does carry a
certain air of justification, it doesn’t take
long to see that after separating the romance
from the hard facts, the problems are
essentially homegrown and far more varied than
the generic label of al Qaeda would suggest.
Looking to the future, there are several challenges that
must be addressed throughout
Southeast Asia
. In southern
Thailand
, where increasing radicalism of Muslims tends
to hog the headlines for the wrong reasons, it
is imperative that the powers that be address
the fundamental causes which hark back to
centuries of demand for self-rule.
Again, a policy predicated on a systematic effort to
eradicate the mother tongue of a community,
apart from being manifestly racist, is doomed to
failure. Fortunately the recent statements by
the Thai authorities that they are prepared to
negotiate with the separatists should be viewed
as a positive development giving hope that an
equitable and just resolution may be in sight.
While we know that the recent terrorist outbursts in Manila
were more in the mold of the Bali bombings, the
authorities should not forget that the Moro
uprising in the southern Philippines more than
20 years ago stemmed from political and
socioeconomic factors which have no bearing with
the current acts of terror. It had everything to
do with the marginalization of poor Muslims, so
that while such disadvantages continue unchecked
radical groups are bound to grow.
Indonesia has moved past the New Order and into the era of reformasi,
having emerged from the ruins of a military
dictatorship. Who are we to remind them of the
evils of government based on tyranny, coercion
and repression?
On the contrary, we should take lessons from the bitter
consequences suffered as a result of such a
protracted reign of unchecked power which also
saw the violent explosion of interethnic killing
and bloodshed.
In this regard, the racist chanting of certain leaders is a
grim reminder of the devastating impact of
absolute power. When government policies are
drawn along chauvinistic lines and marked by
discriminatory practices, discontent is bound to
foment. This problem must be tackled at the core
while allowing for civil society to blossom.
Democratic space
must continue to be opened and not further
eroded. In
Malaysia,
the call by dissident voices has been to move
beyond the decades-old paradigm of the New
Economic Policy and forge a blueprint to narrow
the economic divide regardless of ethnic
lines.
This new vision
contrasts sharply with Lee Kwan Yew’s recent
hectoring of
Singapore's
neighbors not to marginalize their Chinese
citizens.
His rant is emblematic of the older generation of leaders
trapped in the mindset of race-based politics
that prohibits greater social cohesion and
development.
What about the
plight of the majority of Malays, the Indians
and the estimated 4o million abject poor in
Indonesia
or even the predicament of the minority Malays
in
Singapore?
There is no denying that imported terrorism has stoked the
domestic radical fire and led to despicable acts
of violence in the region. This is clearly an
aberration confined to small pockets.
However it would be shortsighted if the policies adopted in
Southeast Asia
in response to these threats were too
heavy-handed and dictated in large part by the
expediency of relations with a superpower.
By asking the right questions and reaching the correct
conclusions, it is clear that we must deal
effectively with the causes or risk fanning the
flames.
My hope is that we in
Asia
can, in the next decade, discover the confidence
and resolve to recognize the rights of the
people and to oppose those who would usurp those
freedoms.
As the region moves down the path of democracy it should
firmly embrace its intrinsically pluralistic
culture and work to adopt pro-growth and
market-driven policies that will ensure a more
sustainable development.
A prosperous future is indivisible from a firm commitment
to the principles of distributive justice, the
rule of law and a profound respect for human
rights.
AnwarIbrahim@MaximsNews.com
Note: This
article also appeared in the Far Eastern
Economic Review. Special 60th Anniversary Issue,
November, 2006.
~~~~~~
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