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MaximsNews Columnist

Anwar Ibrahim

Anwar Ibrahim, Columnist, MaximsNews.com U.N.

        ANWAR IBRAHIM is the former Finance Minister and Deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia.  This week he completes his tenure as Distinguished Visiting Professor in the School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University where he has lectured since August 2005.  SEE HIS BIO.

On December 14th he returns to Malaysia where he will focus his energy on developing a vision for achieving economic, social and political reforms in his native country based on the cooperation and contribution of diverse ethnic and religious groups. Anwar Ibrahim is a Columnist for MaximsNews Network. 

 

Available for Media Interviews: AnwarIbrahim@MaximsNews.com

 

 

 

ANWAR IBRAHIM: RADICAL ISLAM in SOUTHEAST ASIA   (MaximsNews.com, UN)

  

   

                          UNITED NATIONS - / www.MaximsNews.com, UN/ - 07 December 2006 -- In the war against terrorism, the United States regards Southeast Asia as a “second front,” with attention focused on radical Islamist groups said to be working with al Qaeda. 

This appellation belies the region’s tradition of tolerance and its demonstrated modernist outlook with respect to the importance of the rule of law and preservation of human rights.

While perpetrators and purveyors of violence deserve swift retribution, over the coming decade radicalizing trends can be dissuaded by emphasizing the peaceful and democratic traditions of the region rather then providing governments with carte blanche to trample on human rights and civil liberties in the name of national security.

In attempting to frame a discourse of the impact of Islam in the governments of Southeast Asia, policy makers as well as academics are prone to view Islam in binary terms: it’s either moderate or extremist, liberal or conservative, reformist or traditional. 

This of course is a throwback to the Orientalist slant of the past with its propensity for sweeping generalizations.

One will recall, for instance, Clifford Geertz’s The Religion of Java (Glencoe: Free Press, 1960) where Javanese society was seen as essentially bipolar in terms of its religious orientation—as between Santri and Abangan, the former representing the religious and pious minority group led by their kyai, living in communal pesantren, and the latter comprising the majority of Javanese, supposedly merely nominal Muslims, being very much attached to the Javanese pre-Islamic art forms and practices, and largely heedless of their religious obligations.

These same pesantren, just like madrassas in other parts of Southeast Asia as well as in Pakistan, are now regarded as hotbeds for the breeding of Muslim fundamentalists. 

The upshot of such a perception is to pigeonhole organizations founded on Islamic precepts as being radical with a tendency of turning into or associating with terrorist bodies, no doubt a manifestation of a prejudiced and Islamophobic mindset which prevents one from discerning between mainstream political Islam and its more extremist peripheries.

This oversimplified view is unfortunately shared by the so-called enlightened statesmen in the region. 

Their formula for responding to radicalism has been policy prescriptions based on firepower, economic strength and an overall patronizing attitude towards the Muslim communities. 

Surely such a policy cannot be sustained in the long term nor can it be regarded as one based on foresight and wisdom. It fails to recognize that Muslim-dominant countries such as Malaysia and Indonesia in the past effectively checked the spread of communist movements such as the Malayan Communist Party and the Partai Komunis Indonesia.

For example, the conventional view that attributes the failure of the communist insurgency in Malaysia solely to the policy of the British colonial powers in winning “the hearts and minds” of the people is flawed in as much as it ignores the role of Muslim scholars and organizations in countering the psychological warfare of the communists.

It also disregards the long history of moderation that so typifies Islam in Southeast Asia and has enabled its communities to resist the ideological onslaughts of the resurgence of the early decades of the last century in the Middle East

Sound policies for engaging Muslims cannot be formulated without a thorough understanding of this unique historical experience, and this understanding will not come from clichéd notions of Islam nor by viewing political Islam as a dangerous monolith.

The approach must be based on a sustained commitment to build upon the overriding feature of moderation and to help in the most unobtrusive way to preserve its legacy while actively engaging the more radical sectors.

Unfortunately governments in the region have forsaken a more moderate strategy of tolerance and accommodation while pursuing pro-growth economic policies, and have instead embraced the new theology of antiterrorism.

In doing so they are walking on egg shells by embracing the U.S. , a partner whose foreign policy is marked by that Wilsonian determination that led it to invade Iraq unilaterally. 

It should come as no surprise that prescriptions for the security of the region issuing from America are treated with skepticism, particularly by Muslim communities, which see the familiar pattern of Draconian laws clouded in secrecy now surfacing from an unlikely co-conspirator.

No doubt this is symptomatic of the rise in anti-American sentiment. But the spread of Islamic radicalism in Southeast Asia must be understood in the broader context of the region's history and not only through the lens of September 11.

While the ascription of extraneous causes such as sympathies with the plight of the Palestinians or the unjust occupation of Iraq does carry a certain air of justification, it doesn’t take long to see that after separating the romance from the hard facts, the problems are essentially homegrown and far more varied than the generic label of al Qaeda would suggest.

Looking to the future, there are several challenges that must be addressed throughout Southeast Asia . In southern Thailand , where increasing radicalism of Muslims tends to hog the headlines for the wrong reasons, it is imperative that the powers that be address the fundamental causes which hark back to centuries of demand for self-rule.

Again, a policy predicated on a systematic effort to eradicate the mother tongue of a community, apart from being manifestly racist, is doomed to failure. Fortunately the recent statements by the Thai authorities that they are prepared to negotiate with the separatists should be viewed as a positive development giving hope that an equitable and just resolution may be in sight.

While we know that the recent terrorist outbursts in Manila were more in the mold of the Bali bombings, the authorities should not forget that the Moro uprising in the southern Philippines more than 20 years ago stemmed from political and socioeconomic factors which have no bearing with the current acts of terror. It had everything to do with the marginalization of poor Muslims, so that while such disadvantages continue unchecked radical groups are bound to grow.

Indonesia has moved past the New Order and into the era of reformasi, having emerged from the ruins of a military dictatorship. Who are we to remind them of the evils of government based on tyranny, coercion and repression? 

On the contrary, we should take lessons from the bitter consequences suffered as a result of such a protracted reign of unchecked power which also saw the violent explosion of interethnic killing and bloodshed.

In this regard, the racist chanting of certain leaders is a grim reminder of the devastating impact of absolute power. When government policies are drawn along chauvinistic lines and marked by discriminatory practices, discontent is bound to foment. This problem must be tackled at the core while allowing for civil society to blossom.

Democratic space must continue to be opened and not further eroded. In Malaysia, the call by dissident voices has been to move beyond the decades-old paradigm of the New Economic Policy and forge a blueprint to narrow the economic divide regardless of ethnic lines. 

This new vision contrasts sharply with Lee Kwan Yew’s recent hectoring of Singapore's neighbors not to marginalize their Chinese citizens.

His rant is emblematic of the older generation of leaders trapped in the mindset of race-based politics that prohibits greater social cohesion and development. 

What about the plight of the majority of Malays, the Indians and the estimated 4o million abject poor in Indonesia or even the predicament of the minority Malays in Singapore?

There is no denying that imported terrorism has stoked the domestic radical fire and led to despicable acts of violence in the region. This is clearly an aberration confined to small pockets. 

However it would be shortsighted if the policies adopted in Southeast Asia in response to these threats were too heavy-handed and dictated in large part by the expediency of relations with a superpower.

By asking the right questions and reaching the correct conclusions, it is clear that we must deal effectively with the causes or risk fanning the flames.

My hope is that we in Asia can, in the next decade, discover the confidence and resolve to recognize the rights of the people and to oppose those who would usurp those freedoms. 

As the region moves down the path of democracy it should firmly embrace its intrinsically pluralistic culture and work to adopt pro-growth and market-driven policies that will ensure a more sustainable development.

A prosperous future is indivisible from a firm commitment to the principles of distributive justice, the rule of law and a profound respect for human rights.

         AnwarIbrahim@MaximsNews.com

Note: This article also appeared in the Far Eastern Economic Review. Special 60th Anniversary Issue, November, 2006.

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